Chapter 7: Congress-Structure and Membership
CLEP American Government, Chapter 7
Congress-Structure and Membership
A voter in a small state helps elect one House member from a local district and two senators from the entire state. A voter in a much larger state may help elect one of dozens of representatives but still elects only two senators. The House translates population into seats; the Senate gives states equal representation. Every ordinary federal statute must pass both chambers even though the chambers represent the country through different constituencies, terms, and electoral incentives.
Bicameralism
Bicameralism divides Congress into two chambers with different constituencies, terms, sizes, and procedures. Ordinary legislation must pass both chambers in identical form, creating an additional veto point and encouraging broader or differently constructed coalitions.
House of Representatives
The House represents population through districts, uses two-year terms, begins revenue bills, brings articles of impeachment, and relies on majoritarian procedures suited to a large chamber. Its members are more electorally proximate than senators.
Senate
The Senate gives every state two members serving staggered six-year terms. It confirms many appointments, consents to treaties, tries impeachments, and uses rules that give individual senators more procedural leverage than House members ordinarily possess.
Constitutional qualifications
Representatives must be at least twenty-five, citizens for seven years, and inhabitants of their state when elected; senators must be at least thirty, citizens for nine years, and state inhabitants. The Constitution sets these qualifications rather than permitting Congress to add ordinary eligibility requirements.
Terms of office
House members serve two-year terms and all seats face election together. Senators serve six-year staggered terms with roughly one-third elected every two years, producing greater continuity and different electoral incentives.
Apportionment and reapportionment
Apportionment distributes the 435 House seats among states according to population after each decennial census. Reapportionment changes state seat totals; redistricting then draws district boundaries within states.
Redistricting
Redistricting redraws electoral district boundaries, usually after reapportionment and population change. Districts must satisfy population equality and other federal requirements, while state law and institutions determine many procedural details.
Gerrymandering
Gerrymandering draws districts to advantage a party, group, or incumbent, commonly through packing or cracking. Federal courts treat racial and partisan claims differently; excessive race-based design can trigger equal-protection review.
Majority-minority districts
A majority-minority district is one in which a racial or language minority can form a voting majority. Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act can require a remedy for proven vote dilution, while the Equal Protection Clause restricts the predominant use of race in drawing districts. The two rules must be applied together.
Constituency representation
Legislators represent geographic constituencies through lawmaking, communication, casework, and resource advocacy. The delegate model emphasizes constituent preferences, the trustee model independent judgment, and the politico model movement between those roles.
Incumbency advantage
For congressional membership, incumbents often benefit from name recognition, fundraising, staff-supported casework, and opportunities to claim credit. These resources help explain reelection rates but cannot guarantee victory after scandal, redistricting, or a strong national swing.
Descriptive and substantive representation
Descriptive representation concerns whether officials share characteristics with represented groups. Substantive representation concerns whether officials advance group interests or preferences; the two can overlap but neither automatically proves the other.
Delegate, trustee, and politico models of representation
The delegate model expects a legislator to follow constituents' expressed preferences. The trustee model permits the legislator to use independent judgment about the public interest, even when that choice is temporarily unpopular. The politico model describes members who shift between these approaches depending on the issue, its visibility, the strength of constituency opinion, and their own expertise.
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