Chapter 31: General Elections

Chapter 31: General Elections

CLEP American Government, Chapter 31

General Elections

Three candidates are running for one House seat. They receive 44, 39, and 17 percent of the vote. The first candidate takes office even though 56 percent of voters chose someone else. That result is neither a counting error nor evidence that the largest group of voters was ignored. It follows from the rule: in a single-member plurality election, the candidate who finishes ahead of each rival wins. If the same votes were cast under a majority-runoff system, no one would yet have won. The ballots stay the same; the institution that translates them into office changes the result.

Congressional elections

Congressional elections fill two different kinds of representative office. Every House seat is scheduled for election every two years from a single-member district. Senators run statewide for six-year terms arranged in three classes, so roughly one-third of the Senate is ordinarily scheduled in each two-year cycle. The constituency, campaign scale, and timing of accountability therefore differ. A House candidate can build a coalition around one district; a Senate candidate must communicate across an entire state and may face voters under conditions very different from those of the previous election.

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Presidential elections

A presidential general election is national in attention but state based in legal operation. The nominees campaign for one national office and present a joint ticket with their vice-presidential running mates. Voters participate through elections administered under state law, and their ballots choose slates of presidential electors. The Constitution supplies the term and electoral framework; states administer registration, ballot access, voting, counting, and certification within federal limits.

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Electoral College

The Electoral College is the constitutional process used to choose the president and vice president. Voters choose a slate of electors, and those electors cast the votes that formally decide the election. Each state receives one elector for every House member and senator, while the Twenty-Third Amendment gives the District of Columbia electors as well. That formula gives every state two electors beyond its population-based House total.

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Winner-take-all allocation

Winner-take-all is a state rule for allocating presidential electors. In most states and the District of Columbia, the candidate who wins the statewide popular vote receives the entire electoral slate. A narrow plurality can therefore produce all of that jurisdiction's electoral votes. The Constitution does not require this method; states adopted it through their authority to appoint electors.

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Battleground states

A battleground state is a state in which the leading presidential candidates have a realistic chance of winning. The label is political, not constitutional. No law permanently designates battlegrounds, and the list can change as party coalitions, migration, turnout, issues, and candidate appeal change. A state that was competitive in one era may become reliably Democratic or Republican in another.

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Popular vote versus electoral vote

The Electoral College is the constitutional mechanism for selecting the president and vice president. Each state receives electors equal to its House representation plus its two senators. Electors meet in their states and cast separate ballots for president and vice president. If no presidential candidate wins an electoral majority, the House chooses from the top three presidential recipients, voting by state delegation; the Senate separately chooses the vice president from the top two.

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Midterm elections

Midterm elections occur halfway through a president's four-year term. The president is not ordinarily on the ballot, but every House seat, the scheduled Senate class, and many state offices are contested. The president's party commonly loses House seats. This midterm penalty is a tendency rather than a constitutional rule. Less habitual presidential-year voters may stay home, opponents may be unusually motivated, and voters may use congressional choices to judge the administration. Approval, the economy, district maps, candidate quality, and the Senate states scheduled that year can enlarge, reduce, or reverse the pattern.

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Coattail effects

Approval, the economy, district maps, candidate quality, and the Senate states scheduled that year can enlarge, reduce, or reverse the pattern.

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Incumbency advantage

Each office is still counted separately, and voters may split their tickets. Same-party victories alone do not prove coattails; stronger evidence links lower-ballot gains to turnout or support generated by the leading candidate.

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Retrospective voting

Retrospective voting looks backward. Citizens reward or punish an incumbent or governing party for perceived performance involving the economy, war, scandal, public services, crisis management, or promises kept. Pocketbook judgments emphasize personal economic experience; sociotropic judgments emphasize the broader economy. Attribution is difficult because presidents, Congress, the Federal Reserve, states, courts, foreign events, and private markets can all influence outcomes. Voters may still use a simple reward-or-punish shortcut because learning each institution's share of responsibility is costly.

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Prospective voting

Citizens reward or punish an incumbent or governing party for perceived performance involving the economy, war, scandal, public services, crisis management, or promises kept. Pocketbook judgments emphasize personal economic experience; sociotropic judgments emphasize the broader economy. Attribution is difficult because presidents, Congress, the Federal Reserve, states, courts, foreign events, and private markets can all influence outcomes. Voters may still use a simple reward-or-punish shortcut because learning each institution's share of responsibility is costly.

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Rational-choice voting

Rational-choice voting places those judgments inside a broader comparison. A voter selects the available option expected to produce the most valued outcome at an acceptable cost. Value can include policy, economic well-being, group interests, identity, civic duty, or expressive satisfaction. Rationality does not require selfishness, perfect information, or a written calculation. Party labels and trusted endorsements can reduce information costs; they are shortcuts whose usefulness depends on how reliably they signal candidate behavior.

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Split-ticket voting

Split-ticket voting occurs when one voter supports candidates from different parties for different offices on the same ballot. Candidate qualities, local issues, cross-pressured identities, weak party attachment, or a desire for divided control may motivate the pattern. The definition does not assume any one motive. Skipping a lower contest is roll-off, not a split, and choosing a candidate in a formally nonpartisan race does not by itself add a partisan choice.

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Straight-ticket voting

Split-ticket voting occurs when one voter supports candidates from different parties for different offices on the same ballot. Candidate qualities, local issues, cross-pressured identities, weak party attachment, or a desire for divided control may motivate the pattern.

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Electoral systems and direct democracy

An electoral system converts votes into public offices. In a single-member plurality system, one candidate wins each district by finishing first, even below fifty percent. A majority-runoff system requires more than half and holds another round when no candidate reaches that mark. Proportional representation allocates multiple seats according to party vote shares under a threshold and formula. The details matter: district magnitude, rounding, party lists, and eligibility thresholds keep "proportional" from meaning perfectly exact.

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